Jazz History Module 2: African American Music in the 19th Century

The Banjo Lesson is an 1893 oil painting by African-American artist Henry Ossawa Tanner.

WELCOME BACK!

Welcome to module two of the history of jazz. This week we examine African American music in the 19th century, music that was to influence all of the 20th century and is still influencing music today. This module will detail many of the tracks found in this week’s playlist as well as offering resources to help you explore these forms further. We will outline some important topics that we will need to understand as modern music, including the history of drums, work songs, protest songs, game songs, spirituals, shouts, ragtime, the insidious history of minstrelsy, and one of the most influential traditions of all time known as the blues.

Read through this page in its entirety, listening to each track and watching each off the embedded videos. If you have trouble with Spotify links (if you can only preview 30 seconds of the track) click on the name of the song to be taken to Spotify directly. There are also optional embedded links for citations, additional information, and an occasional surprise. 


Learning Objectives

  1. To describe multiple forms of 19th century African American sacred and secular musics.
  2. To understand the complex influences of slavery on African American music.
  3. To connect 19th century African American music to modern styles.
  4. To understand examples of the coded meanings in spirituals.

CHALLENGES

One of the challenge of learning about music before the 20th century is that the technology needed to record sound did not exist – we have no recordings! The earliest recording machines were not invented until Thomas Edison created the phonograph in 1877.  Then there were several decades before an industry was established to record and sell music that people could actually buy and take home, what we know today as the recording industry.  Instead, we have to rely on printed music as well as written accounts by those that witnessed or participated in it.

The first commercial gramophones were produced in the 1890s and sold for around $25 to $30, that’s over $1000 in 2024 money. As technology improved and production costs decreased, the price of gramophones became a bit more more affordable, with some models selling for as little as $10 in the early 1900s ($330). What was recorded had a lot to do with who had the money to access the technology. 

Another challenge is that African American music is rooted in the musical cultures of Africa. Africa of course is a continent, not a country.  It is many times the size of the United States, and contains hundreds if not thousands of musical cultures that overtime fused into  American music.  We don’t want to simplify the West African influence, but we also don’t have space to explore it all here. To help, we will focus on the role of drums, migrations, and the further translation of African Culture into African American culture.


DRUMS

Our story begins centuries before recorded music, focusing on perhaps the most important instrument ever invented – the drum. Drums (and the rhythms played on them) have evolved into all manner of groove music across the globe.

Drumming though, as a form of communication may actually be older than humanity itself. In the early 1980s the biologist Christoph Boesch, conducting long- term studies of chimpanzees in the forest area of the Ivory Coast, discovered that when they split up into foraging parties, they remained within earshot of each other and communicated information about their travel direction and length of resting periods by drumming on logs. Many musics in Africa model drumming patterns directly on speech patterns, allowing them to serve musical as well as communicative roles.


EARLY INFLUENCES FROM THE ISLAMIC WORLD

The Three Wise Men, Art Painting by Henry Ossawa Tanner

The complexities of slavery and its effects on modern music reach deep into the past. As Sylviane A. Diouf writes, 19th century African American music conjures up images of “cotton fields, oppressed sharecroppers, chain gangs, pain, and lonesomeness. When one thinks about a music so embedded in rural African American culture, Islam certainly does not come to mind. Yet it should because some of the deepest roots of the blues grew not in the Mississippi Delta but thousands of miles away, in the Islamic belt of West Africa.”

Music in North Africa was distinctly different from music in the Middle East, having been influenced by the indigenous black populations living in the southern parts of the Maghreb and later by non-Muslim victims of the trans-Saharan slave trade. Often employed as musicians, these enslaved West Africans brought their music and rhythms to North Africa. In western Sahel, especially in the urban zones, Muslims adopted, adapted, and transformed the Islamic musical style. Much cross-fertilization occurred on both sides of the desert.

Around the year 1000, Islamic kingdoms (using armies of Senagalese slaves) incorporated large numbers of the slaves drums in battles with the Europeans.  It was so effective that it influenced all of the armies of Europe to include military drums, although frowning upon them in its concertized music. These instruments that were appropriated into marching and military bands are many of the same the ones we still have in the United States. As Sublette describes:

In 1086, responding to a call from the taifa kings of Sevilla and Badajoz to defend al-Andalus after the Christians had taken Toledo and began exacting tribute, the Almorávides invaded Iberia…The Almorávides used slave armies. These had been a characteristic feature of Muslim military campaigns; what was different about the Almorávides’ army was that much of it was black. Some blacks had been present in Muslim military campaigns in Spain from the time of Tārik’s conquest, but the Almorávides brought thousands of black Sudanese to serve as soldiers. With them came an African weapon that the Castilians had never before seen: Drums. The sound of these black Moors’ drums (which may have been kettle-drums, though we don’t know for certain) was intense and frightening. Drums not only intimidated the defending soldiers and terrorized the population when besieging a city, they also called the forces of the supernatural to carry the attackers to victory.

Drums were amplifiers of speech. The “talking” function of African drums was put to use in battle, giving commands that all soldiers could hear. The Almorávides used war drums in combination with another innovation, banners, to create a tactic of disciplined mass action, signaling moves to the troops as they advanced in a compact, rhythmic, lethal column. (Cuba and Its Music p. 64-65) )

But drums are also used for other purposes besides battle: they are central to various cultures religious and spiritual practices, courting and mating rituals, and countless types of daily work. Drums, and the rhythms played on other instruments to emulate them, are often connected directly to these important contexts: speech, war, love, and work.

An important instrument in this history is the djembe – a hand drum played in the clip below.  It is a predecessor of other drums such as the conga drum and bongo.


12/8

One of the important elements from African rhythm is what we refer to in notation as 12/8 –  a central musical beat counted in groups of four (that you could move your feet to), but with each big beat comprised of three smaller beats.

In this video the beat is represented by a wheel – like a clock with 12 divisions. Watch the circle on the left and see if you can start to hear the quick “1-2-3-4-5-6-7-8-9-10-11-12”:

This rhythm combines twos and threes, 2×2=4, 3×4=12 – tapping this pattern with alternating hands creates a polyrhythm (right-left-right + left-right-left). We can hear this 6/8 feeling in both Omou Sangare’s song Djoukourou” from2017, as well as Stevie Wonder’s 1972  “Isn’t She Lovely”:

This 12/8 rhythmic feeling will become the core of jazz music’s most defining aspect – swing. A type of groove that is layered with polyrhythm all built upon the 12/8 relationships.


THE ECONOMY BUILT ON SLAVERY

Between 1619 and 1886, generations of enslaved Africans (free labor to their enslavers), helped created a global economy bolstered by the rapidly expanding markets for cotton, sugar, coffee, and mining. Especially in the 1800s, incredible economic growth and wealth was created by those forced to live and die in slave labor camps throughout the Americas and Caribbean. Their work planting and harvesting cotton in the United States in particular led to an economic “boom” in Europe and the textile manufacturing industries tied to it, especially in England’s rapidly expanding textile industry.

An act of Congress passed in 1800 made it illegal for Americans to engage in the slave trade between nations, primarily because it undercut the market value of slaves already owned by Americans who depended on them for collateral and credit.  “Property” was an asset that could be leveraged, but continued importation of forced migrants would have a negative impact on enslavers by lowering the perceived market value of a slave. This led to growth in the domestic slave trade vs the transatlantic slave trade.

An important distinction thus arose in the American slave market that is reflected in the differences in music between the United states and the Caribbean. The brutality of sugar manufacturing in Cuban and Haitian slave labor camps often led to death and a continuous need for new workers to be taken across the Atlantic Ocean to sustain sugar production. Conversely, Africans in the United states were compelled to wed and have offspring – the children of the enslaved becoming additional “property” of the slave master.  This reality became all the more tragic when families would be routinely broken apart through sale. Therefore, Africans in Cuba and Brazil were continually bringing elements of African culture to some areas, while after 1800 African Americans were more isolated from their original culture. After a few generations  people who were originally African had become African Americans born in North America.

The expansion of slavery was deemed necessary to further economic growth in the southern states and the expanding west of the United States by a minority of the population – slave owners and industrialists vastly outnumbered in the increasingly abolitionists country but yet held to power and influence regardless. The conflict over this expansion eventually lead to secession and the American Civil War (1861-1865).

 From Baptist – The Half Has Never Been Told (481):

Dependence on cotton stretched far beyond North American shores. A world greedy for a slice of the whipping-machine’s super-profits had financed the occupation of the continent, and the forced migration of enslaved African Americans to the southwestern cotton fields helped to make the modern world economy possible. The steadily increasing productivity of hands on the cotton frontier kept cheap raw materials flowing to the world’s newest and most important industry, the cotton textile factories of Britain, Western Europe, and the North. Theft of days, years, labor, of the left hand’s creative secrets helped provide the escape velocity for the fledgling modern world to do what no other historical society had done before and pull away from the gravitational field of the Malthusian cul-de-sac. Slavery’s expansion was the driving force in US history between the framing of the Constitution and the beginning of the Civil War. It made the nation large and unified, and it made the South’s whites disproportionately powerful in that nation. Enslavers had turned right hand against left to achieve not only productivity but also power that few other dominant classes in human history had possessed. Yet from the epic of theft and survival, of desire and innovation, came the Civil War, too. Expansion’s profits and power made southerners willing to push for more expansion. This made some northern whites into allies who recognized their dependence on cotton profit and were willing to do what was necessary to keep it flowing. These were southern whites’ allies. But southern power frightened other northern whites. Some feared that slavery, acceptable enough when it remained a southern institution, would invade the places they lived or wanted to live. Others believed that slavery corrupted everything, and that its expansion fed the rot in American society, American freedom, the American soul—whatever category was their touchstone for everything good. Still others believed that the financial disasters of the late 1830s and early 1840s showed that slavery was economically derelict, doomed, a drag on the capitalist economy’s future.


DRUMS IN NORTH AMERICA – CONGO SQUARE

While enslaved Africans were not allowed to bring drums with them to the New World, they did bring their musical knowledge and their music, the ability to improvise keep alive important rhythms played on drums they created upon arrival. This collective cultural memory informed the great musical traditions of the Americas, reflected in the numbers of Africans taken to North America, Cuba, Haiti, Jamaica, Brazil, Mexico, and many other countries.

After the Louisiana Purchase in 1803, new “Ordinances of Police” specified that the mayor should appoint places for slaves to dance on Sundays, the one day of rest allowed for the enslaved in New Orleans (we will cover this important city extensively in next week’s module). Travelers frequently described these dances at what is now called Congo Square, sometimes giving details of the steps and accompanying instruments. In 1819, Benjamin Latrobe, the engineer who had supervised the rebuilding of the Capitol after the War of 1812, described what he saw on a Sunday afternoon:

They were formed into circular groups … The music consisted of two drums and a stringed instrument … On the top of the finger board was the rude figure of a man in a sitting posture, & two pegs behind him to which the strings were fastened. The body was a calabash … A man sung an uncouth song … which I suppose was in some African language, for it was not French … The allowed amusements of Sunday have, it seems, perpetuated here those of Africa.

Original gatherings and displays of African  culture are still celebrating today in New Orleans with modern drum circles forming in what was Congo Square for yearly percussion festivals.


THE TRESILLO RHYTHM

One important rhythm that appeared in Congo Square is known today as the “tresillo” translated in Spanish as little three. This is a- a long-long-short pattern that can be heard in countless forms of music, becoming associated with most of the music created in New Orleans in the early 20th Century, and is prevalent in countless forms of Afro-Latin musics as well. The pattern is a new combination of the threes and twos we explored above in the 12/8 rhythm.

Screenshot

This rhythm that was documented over two hundred years ago is everywhere in popular music. Here is a quick tour of just some of the music in which it appears:


THE BANNING OF DRUMS AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF RHYTHM

The first determinative episode in the history of African American music can be found in a significant eighteenth-century incident. On September 9, 1739, enslaved people from the kingdom of Kongo (which covered parts of today’s Congo and Angola) staged an uprising in Stono, South Carolina. Their goal was to reach St. Augustine in Spanish Florida, where the authorities guaranteed freedom to any runaway. As Sylviane A. Diouf describes, they marched with “Colours displayed and two Drums beating.” As their numbers grew, they “set to dancing, singing, and beating drums to draw more Negroes to them.” In the end, the uprising resulted in twenty whites killed and over forty Africans. The following year, South Carolina passed a law that stipulated:

It is absolutely necessary to the safety of this province, that all due care be taken to restrain the wanderings and meetings of negroes and other slaves, at all times, and more especially on Saturday nights, Sundays and other holidays, and their using and carrying wooden swords, and other mischievous and dangerous weapons, or using or keeping of drums, horns, or other loud instruments which may call together, or give sign or notice to one another of their wicked designs or purposes.

This prohibition remained in place until the abolition of slavery.

Thus in America, as it had been earlier in the West Indies, the beating of drums by slaves was often forbidden by law.  White colonists feared the enslaved having the ability to  communicate with drums despite being used in only 2 out of 313 uprisings.

Yet despite this ban, which was rigorously enforced, drumming continued unseen by the authorities. Former slaves in Georgia described how to make drums from hollow trees and recalled dancing to drums, which must have been done in secret. Other rhythmic support to dancing was provided by hand clapping, foot stomping, and a practice unique to the United States, known as “patting Juba.”

Patting Juba (Juba was also a form of dance) was an extension of simple hand clapping, raising it to the level of a self-contained accompaniment to dancing. It was described as striking the hands on the knees, then striking the hands together, then striking the right shoulder with one hand, the left with the other—all the while keeping time with the feet and singing. The earliest reference to the practice dates from the 1820s, but by the 1830s serious attention was being paid to its rhythmic complexities. This form also evolved into the “hambone” and body percussion traditions still practiced today by artists such as Bobby McFerrin and Danny Barber:


MUSIC THAT SPEAKS THE TRUTH

The African tradition of improvised derisive singing was easily adapted to the American scene. Improvising satire, sometimes too subtle to be recognized, and making fun of the master and his family in ways that did not provoke offense were a subversive form of protest embedded in the music, and specialties of the African American improviser. Satiric verses could easily be inserted in work songs, boat songs, or corn songs, and into the ritual of Patting Juba as heard in these lyrics:

Juba this and Juba that

Juba killed a yellow cat

And get over double trouble, Juba.

We pick the corn, you give us the husk

We cook the bread, you give us the crust.

We fry the meat, you give us the skin

And that’s where my Mama’s trouble begins.

When Europeans were present, the entertainment usually involved a more subtle satire, which permitted the expression in song of ideas that otherwise might have been severely punished. It also begins the popular music tradition of coded language, inuendo, and slang that infuses a generations’ musical expression.


TRANSLATED AFRICAN CULTURE

What did the music of African Americans sound like in the antebellum United States? How was it integrated into daily life? What was unique about it? Some of the most important African American musical forms are described below – work songs, ring shouts, game songs, and sacred music, transforming after the civil war into blues, ragtime, and giving birth to the first form of large- scale American popular entertainment known as minstrelsy.


I. WORK SONGS

“Slaves are generally expected to sing as well as work. A silent slave is not liked by masters or overseers.”

– Frederick Douglass  

Excerpts from Timeline of African American Music:

Singing is an integral part of daily life for many African communities. Wether voluntary or forced, it also became a fixture on board slave ships and the unending cycles of work occurring on plantations in the antebellum south.  These improvised songs, known as work songs, field calls (also field hollers) and street calls (also street cries) served many functions. Singing passed the time, coordinated the movements of workers and offered encouragement. They also communicated human emotions and provided a forum for criticizing whites in positions of authority.

“When rowing in canoes…[the rowers] generally sing the whole time, and one of the passengers accompanies the song with a small drum. One of the rowers sings a couplet, somewhat in a recitative voice, which is closed by a chorus in which they all join.”

– Thomas winter bottom, physician working in Sierra Leone, West Africa, from 1792 to 1796

“The [dozen stout rowers] negroes struck up a song to which they kept time with their oars; and our speed increased as they went on…The words were rude enough, the music better, and both were well-adapted to the scene. A line was sung by a leader, then all joined in a short chorus; then came another solo line, and another short chorus.”

– Passenger on a boat traveling the johns river in Florida in 1835

As Africans in America, the enslaved retained many customs of the past, which remained relevant after the abolition of slavery. While working long hours in the cotton and tobacco fields or clearing brush, husking and grinding corn, cutting wood, rowing boats, and laying railroad tracks, and as stevedores and fishermen, they sang work songs to pass the time, relieve boredom, and coordinate the movements of repetitive manual labor. Many work crews had song leaders who improvised a line, to which the others responded with a refrain. This singing style is heard in Stewball” by a work group at Parchman Farm (Mississippi State Penitentiary) in 1936. 

Barlow in Looking Up At Down, The Emergence of Blues Culture reminds us of the connection of work songs to slavery and provides insight from Frederick Douglass:

Work songs were generally encouraged by the slave owners, who saw them as means of increasing the slaves’ work output and maintaining their morale.  For the slaves, however, the nature of their work was punishment, not self-fulfillment.  As Frederick Douglass explained, their use of work songs was linked to their resignation or resistance to forced labor:

Slaves are generally expected to sing as well as to work.  A silent slave is not liked by masters or overseers. . . .This may account for the almost constant singing heard in the southern states. . . .I have often been utterly astonished, since I came north, to find persons who could speak of the singing among slaves as evidence of their contentment and happiness.  It is impossible to conceive of a greater mistake.  Slaves sing most when they are most unhappy.  The songs of the slaves represent the sorrows of his life; and he is relieved by them only as an aching heart is relieved by its tears.  At least such is my experience.

These musical forms and traditions continued past the civil war and into the 20th century, as the failures of reconstruction gave rise to Jim Crow-era work farms and the modern for-profit prison system. Leasing workers from the state, many industries often relied on, and profited from, large amounts of low-cost African American labor. These polices stemming from the 13th amendment used new racially motivated criminal statues in order to re-enslave African Americans.

Between roughly 1870 and 1900, thousands of the North Carolina’s convict laborers were forced to work on the Western North Carolina Railroad, a state-owned rail system. The work was brutal and the mortality rate, from accidents and illness, was very high. Postcard courtesy, Hunter Library Special Collections, Western Carolina University, Cullowhee, NC.

JOHN AND ALAN LOMAX

One of the great resources we have that helps us get an idea of how some of these work songs might have sounded like comes from folk music historians John and Alan Lomax, who in the early 20th century were able to take recording machines to remote regions in the south, including prisons such as the infamous Parchman Farm in Mississippi, and record hundreds of examples of work songs used by large groups of incarcerated African-Americans.  All of the Lomax’s work is available at the extensive John and Allen Lomax Archive here. We can hear in these examples how tools such as hammers are used like percussion instruments to accent a collective beat, one who’s tempo (speed) reflects the heaviness of the labor.

“Early In the Mornin´” recorded by Alan Lomax. Performers unknown. Prison Songs Vol. 1 (1947)

Allen Lomax recorded at a song at Parchman Farm entitled “Rosie” where we can hear a song leader calling out a lyric, and responded to by the whole group. This call and response is accompanied by the sound of axes chopping on the first of every four beats:

Nina Simone later transformed this song  into a haunting song about a woman and an unfaithful man, entitled “Be My Husband” in 1965:

Work songs have endured to this day and have been used by artists such as Max roach and Abby Lincoln in their landmark track “Driva’ Man”, (1961), and modernized by the Cannonball Adderley quintet into “The Work Song” (1960).


II. RING SHOUTS

Otherwise known as just a “shout “, the ring shout was an informal form of sacred music that featured a circular dance accompanied by makeshift percussion instruments, foot stomps, and hand claps often forming a repetitive tresillo rhythm to support the dancers.

The most well-known group keeping the history of the shout and its people alive is the Mcintosh County Shouters descendants of The Gullah-Geechee people – African Americans who were born, bred, and educated along the coastal regions of North and South Carolina, Georgia, and northern Florida. They are the descendants of enslaved people brought from West Africa to work on isolated coastal plantations, growing rice, indigo, and sea island cotton.

Ring shout’s roots go back to traditions common to Central and West Africa. The origins of the ring shout came with them when enslaved people were brought to America in the 1700s. Drums and drumming were not allowed on plantations in Coastal Georgia during slavery; plantation owners feared it could be used to signal an outburst or uprising. Instead, the Gullah-Geechee would keep the rhythm for percussion by clapping their hands, tapping their feet, and beating the floorboards with a wooden stick.

The stick man set the beat, then he or another male lead songster would begin to sing out the first lines of the shout. The women (shouters) moved in a counterclockwise circle, singing back or shouting the responses while pantomiming the lyrics.

Ring shouts often followed a church service. As a form of worship that blended both African and Christian elements, it was a way for enslaved people to honor their African ancestors and traditions. The shout also provided an essential form of communication for enslaved people to send messages to each other that the white plantation owners couldn’t understand.

McIntosh Country Shouters perform “Adam in the Garden”


III. SPIRITUALS

In the 19th century sacred music, including spirituals, was one of the few permitted forms of musical expression allowed to enslaved African-Americans.  Many of these are of course still well-known today.  While these songs maybe used as a part of a religious ceremony or ritual, they also contained coded messages used by enslaved African-Americans to assist those seeking to escape to freedom in the north or into Canada.

Some of these encoded messages were general while others were quite specific such as in the lyrics to “follow the drinking gourd”.  This song uses stars in the sky, the big dipper, relating it to an object used to drink water common in the 19th century. The bowl of the big dipper points north, the song instructing slaves to follow the stars in order to head north to freedom. Read more about it here.

LYRICSEXPLANATION
VERSE 1Taken together, this verse suggests escaping in the spring and heading North to freedom.
When the sun come back,Refers to the winter or spring. The days are getting longer, and the angle of the sun is higher each day at noon.
When the firs’ quail call,Refers to the breeding season. Quail in Alabama start calling to each other in early to mid-April.
Then the time is come 
Foller the drinkin’ gou’d.The “drinkin’ gou’d” alludes to the hollowed out gourd used by slaves (and other rural Americans) as a water dipper. Used here it is a code name for the Big Dipper star formation, which points to Polaris, the Pole Star, and North.
CHORUS 
Foller the drinkin’ gou’d, 
Foller the drinkin’ gou’d; 
For the ole man say,“Ole man” is nautical slang for “Captain” (or “Commanding Officer.”) According to Parks, the Underground Railroad operative Peg Leg Joe was formerly a sailor.
“Foller the drinkin’ gou’d.” 
VERSE 2Describes how to follow the route, from Mobile, Alabama north.
The riva’s bank am a very good road,The first river in the song is the Tombigbee, which empties into Mobile Bay. Its headwaters extend into northeastern Mississippi.
The dead trees show the way,According to Parks, Peg Leg Joe marked trees and other landmarks “with charcoal or mud of the outline of a human left foot and a round spot in place of the right foot.” (1)
Lef’ foot, peg foot goin’ on,
Foller the drinkin’ gou’d. 
CHORUS 
VERSE 3Describes the route through northeastern Mississippi and into Tennessee.
The riva ends a-tween two hills,The headwaters of the Tombigbee River end near Woodall Mountain, the high point in Mississippi and an ideal reference point for a map song. The “two hills” could mean Woodall Mountain and a neighboring lower hill. But the mountain itself evidently has a twin cone profile and so could represent both hills at once.
Foller the drinkin’ gou’d; 
‘Nuther riva on the other sideThe river on the other side of the hills is the Tennessee, which extends outward in an arc above Woodall Mountain. The left-hand side proceeds virtually due north to the Ohio river border with Illinois – definitely the preferred route, since the right hand side meanders back into northern Alabama and then proceeds up into Tennessee.
Follers the drinkin’ gou’d. 
CHORUS 
VERSE 4Describes the end of the route, in Paducah, Kentucky.
Wha the little rivaWhen the Tennessee…
Meet the grea’ big un,…meets the Ohio River. The Tennessee and Ohio rivers come together in Paducah, KY, opposite southern Illinois.
The ole man waits–Per one of Parks’s informants, the runaways would be met on the banks of the Ohio by the old sailor. Of course, the chances that Peg Leg Joe himself would be there to meet every escapee (as depicted literally in the children’s books) are quite small.
Foller the drinkin’ gou’d. 

Saxophonist John Coltrane re-imagined this song in 1961, changing the title to “Song of the Underground Railroad”, setting it as a high-energy ensemble piece with an explosive solo improvisation. Based on the energy of this track, what could you imagine Coltrane’s feelings were toward the song’s subject?

 


THE FISK JUBILEE SINGERS

On October 6, 1871, a historic journey began as the Fisk Jubilee Singers embarked on their first national tour. Comprised of nine talented students from Fisk University, this remarkable a cappella group aimed to raise funds for their struggling institution. Little did they know that their efforts would not only secure their university’s future but also preserve and popularize traditional African American spirituals on a global scale.

Fisk Jubilee Singers 1875

The Fisk Jubilee Singers played a strong role in preserving the rich heritage of African American spirituals. These songs, rooted in the experiences of enslaved African Americans, held deep cultural and historical significance. By showcasing these spirituals to a wider audience, the Fisk Jubilee Singers ensured that this important musical tradition would not be lost to time. Beyond their cultural impact, the Fisk Jubilee Singers’ national tour held tremendous financial significance for Fisk University.

With the goal of raising $20,000, their efforts provided much-needed funds for the institution, which was dedicated to educating freed slaves after the Civil War. Through their talent and perseverance, the Singers secured the future of their university and paved the way for generations of African American students to come. Not only did the Fisk Jubilee Singers achieve remarkable success in their fundraising efforts, but their tour also put Nashville on the global music map. Their performances captivated audiences far and wide, and their encounter with the Queen of England solidified Nashville’s reputation as the “Music City.”

The Fisk Jubilee Singers were not merely performers; they were ambassadors of African American culture and music. Their groundbreaking around-the-world tour marked the first time a musical act traveled globally, showcasing African American spirituals to audiences in the United States and Europe. Through their performances, they shattered stereotypes and fostered a greater appreciation for Africa-American music and culture.

 


GOSPEL MUSIC

Spirituals are an essential component of gospel music, a form that unites many dimensions of spiritual practice, community, and history.  There is no better example of spirituals in gospel music than Aretha Franklin performing “Amazing Grace” in 1970. Central to this performance is the participation of all involved – call and response from musicians and audience create a communal experience that one can take part in regardless of one’s religious background.

Duke Ellington composed spirituals in the 1940s, recording his most famous spiritual “Come Sunday” performed with Mahalia Jackson in 1958:


IV. GAME SONGS

African American musical roots can be heard in countless “game songs”, patting games, and jump rope rhymes we still learn as children, such as “The Name Game” recorded by Shirley Ellis in 1964. 

This form of play started as an African tradition. As Lynde Rosario writes, one of the major characteristics of various African musical cultures is the use of hand clapping and foot stomping as accompaniment. Rituals of call and response, body percussion and dance melded together with the expressions and conventions of the European culture. These morphed over time to form the modern games of today. The oldest hand games recorded in Europe are Pat-A-Cake, dated in 1698, and Pease Porridge Hot, also dated in the 17th century. The custom peaked between the late 19th and early 20th centuries, then receded until the 1960s when the practice became mainstream. The tradition of jumping rope became pervasive in the 20th century, the rope providing a rhythm perfectly suited for rhyme and song.


V. THEATER, MEDICINE SHOWS, AND MINSTRELSY

The period after the civil war saw the birth of America’s national entertainment industry in the form of theater circuits, music publishing, and minstrelsy. As Miller describes:

Minstrelsy emerged in the 1830s out of northern working-class immigrant theaters to become the most popular and profitable form of entertainment in the country by mid 19th century. It involved the performance of supposedly African-American song and dance by White actors under black face masks of burnt Cork. From the common use of dialect or malapropisms to represent black speech to the ubiquitous exaggerations of black physical deviations from white norms… minstrel shows depicted southern slaves happy in their bondage and free African-Americans unfit for citizenship…sadly longing for the safety security and interracial harmony of the old plantation. Minstrelsy did all this within the irreducible context of the black facemask – a prop that performed racial distance under the auspice of racial passing.

From Minstrelsy and the Construction of Race in America

Minstrelsy emerged in the early 1800’s as the first distinctly American form of popular culture. While its content served to entertain audiences, it also worked to provide a means with which common Americans could learn about and understand the events occurring in their large and constantly evolving country. One of the main topics of interest that minstrelsy took up was race. In his work Blacking Up, Robert Toll argues that the content of minstrel songs worked to reinforce the racial ideology of white superiority—a system where “whiteness” allowed for full citizenship rights to the American body politic, while “blackness” and “yellowness” implied inferiority and exclusion. A thorough examination of minstrel material from the second half of the 19th century, a period which witnessed rising levels of immigration into the U.S. as well as the demise of the formal system of second class citizenship for blacks (slavery), confirms Toll’s claim. The numerous ways in which both black Americans and Asian immigrants were portrayed as inferior to whites, within this material, clearly reveals minstrelsy’s attempts to confirm the ideology of white superiority.

It’s important to understand minstrelsy and the influence that this form of national entertainment would have on generations of African-Americans and how it still echoes in our entertainment today. Music was becoming a highly profitable commodity in the 19th century as well as an art – the commercial infrastructure in which African-American artists would need to navigate included this minstrel tradition, as well as the stereotypes and expectations it created in American audiences. This was accompanied by a rise in music publishing (coming out of New York) as well as theater companies that were influencing the country.

Many songs that come out of minstrel shows rooted in grotesque stereotypes are still sung by unsuspecting Americans today, as described by Dr. Katya Ermolaeva here.

Warning – offensive racial imagery:

The legacy of minstrelsy is pervasive in American entertainment. Stereotypes persist, as pointed out in Hari Kondabolu’s documentary “The Problem with Apu”.  Here Kondabolu analyzes issues of representation, in part using the lenses of American minstrilsey an entertainment industry dominated by white creators and audiences.

 


SNAKE OIL

Another form of traveling entertainment set the tone for the modern age – the medicine show. The show, consisting of music, comedy, and drama was free – but you were subjected to pervasive advertisements for various cures and tonics, all for sale at the show. Most of these cures didn’t work, and the idea of “snake oil” came to mean a bogus product that didn’t deliver on its promise. This tradition lives in the pervasive commercials we are inundated with on television, radio, in movies, on trains, planes, etc.,

From NPR:

The 1800s saw thousands of Chinese workers arriving in the United States as indentured laborers to work on the Transcontinental Railroad. According to historian Richard White’s book Railroaded, about 180,000 Chinese immigrated to the United States between 1849 and 1882. The vast majority of the workers came from peasant families in southeastern China and were signed to contracts that ran up to five years for relatively low wages (compared with their white counterparts), wrote David Haward Bain in his book Empire Express.

Among the items the Chinese railroad workers brought with them to the States were various medicines — including snake oil. Made from the oil of the Chinese water snake, which is rich in the omega-3 acids that help reduce inflammation, snake oil in its original form really was effective, especially when used to treat arthritis and bursitis. The workers would rub the oil, used for centuries in China, on their joints after a long hard day at work. The story goes that the Chinese workers began sharing the oil with some American counterparts, who marveled at the effects.

So how did a legitimate medicine become a symbol of fraud? The origins of snake oil as a derogatory phrase trace back to the latter half of the 19th century, which saw a dramatic rise in the popularity of “patent medicines.” Often sold on the back pages of newspapers, these tonics promised to cure a wide variety of ailments including chronic pain, headaches, “female complaints” and kidney trouble. In time, all of these false “cures” began to be referred to as snake oil.

In this clip performer Furry Lewis describes a typical medicine show in the early 20th century:


VI. RAGTIME

Publishing was also one the first money makers in American music, and the purchasing of sheet music to be played at home on a piano proved to be the first in a long line of money-making opportunities for those in the growing national entertainment industry which would soon include recordings and radio.

Ragtime music came into existence long before it was given a name. By the end of the 1890s, the term defined a performance style and practices rooted in African American traditions and applied to composing and playing popular song, dance, and instrumental music. An abundance of sheet music testifies to the multi-fold existence of this genre during this period of ragtime’s widespread popularity from about 1896 to 1920.

Ragtime was created and popularized by itinerant African American musicians, many of whom did not read or write music. These musicians first developed ragtime as a playing style, disseminating this un-notated new music in brothels, saloons, bars, and other similar sites where African Americans found their first performing opportunities after the Civil War. The first audiences of ragtime, therefore, consisted of the player-composers themselves, the owners of the bars and brothels, the visitors (presumably affluent White men), and the prostitutes who worked there. Apart from these venues of low reputation, there were several other contexts within the contemporary entertainment business where ragtime was featured, such as vaudeville and the musical theater.

Most Americans became acquainted with ragtime only after it appeared as printed music, which is why many authors describe ragtime as “composed” music, with little emphasis on ragtime as a performance art. Usually a ragtime piece was published in small numbers and sold a few dozen (sometimes a hundred) copies in the area where it was published. However, “Maple Leaf Rag” (1899) was the exception to this rule.

The publication of “Maple Leaf Rag” and its tremendous success greatly increased composer Scott Joplin’s visibility and influence as well as that of publisher John Stark. When Stark initially published “Maple Leaf Rag,” Joplin received one penny per copy in royalties. By 1905, Stark was selling three thousand copies a month and “Maple Leaf Rag” had become the most popular and best-selling rag of all time. The incredible success of “Maple Leaf Rag”— a half-million copies were sold by 1909—inspired other music publishers to produce hundreds of rags.

Ragtime is the first major mass-marketed commercially successful music in the United States that featured the pervasive elements of African influence that would soon dominate popular music.


VII. BLUES

The lives of formerly enslaved African-Americans changed after the Civil War in important ways that affected the music. They involved the possibility of leisure time that could be used to make music unsupervised, new freedom to choose who to become romantically involved with (within the parameters set by Jim Crow segregation), and the possibility of travel which would eventually result in mass of migration of African-Americans away from the south throughout the 20th century.  All of these elements are important in the creation of the blues, music created in the southeast United States notably the Mississippi Delta and New Orleans around the turn of the century. The blues was a music created by individuals, often with guitars or other stringed instruments. We will deal with this music in more depth in a future module, but for now consider some of the musical characteristics you can hear (and feel) in a performance such as “Dark was The Night Called was the Ground” by Blind Willie Johnson from 1927.

 


Playlist: African American Music of the 19th Century – Work Songs, Shouts, Game Songs, Ragtime and Spirituals

Jazz History Module 1: The Translated African Culture

Lead Trumpet, 1983 by Romare Bearden © 2022 Romare Bearden Foundation / Licensed by VAGA at Artists Rights Society (ARS), NY.
Lead Trumpet, 1983 by Romare Bearden © 2022 Romare Bearden Foundation / Licensed by VAGA at Artists Rights Society (ARS), NY.

WELCOME!

Welcome to module 1, the main page for the week where you will read, listen, watch, and explore various ideas related to the week’s topic. This week we will lay the groundwork for our course by asking “what is jazz?” We will also look at some of the African origins of poplar music, and the Africanisms that are pervasive in our contemporary culture, and investigate how we will begin to talk about what we experience in music.

Read through this page in its entirety, listening to each track and watching all off the embedded videos. If you have trouble with Spotify links (if you can only preview 30 seconds of the track) click on the name of the song to be taken to Spotify directly. There are also many optional embedded links that include citations, documents, additional resources, and an occasional surprise 🙂


Questions

  1. What is jazz?
  2. What is African American Music?
  3. What do we experience in music? How do we begin to talk about it?
  4. What are the important skills we hope to develop this semester ?

What is Jazz?

Jazz is a word – a powerful word that can refer to many things – an entire history of African Americans, a style of music that influenced almost all of the world’s popular music, or a manner of improvisation rooted in the people who still play and listen to it.  

“It is America’s music. Born out of a million American negotiations; between having and not having; between happy and sad; country and city; between black and white; and men and women; between the old Africa and the old Europe, that could only have happened in an entirely new world. It is an improvisational art, making itself up as it goes along, just like the country that gave it birth. It rewards individual expression but demands selfless collaboration. It is forever changing but nearly always rooted in the blues. It has a rich tradition and its own rules, but it is brand new every night. It is about just making a living and taking terrible risks, losing everything and finding love, making things simple and dressing to the nines. It has enjoyed huge popularity and survived hard times, but it has always reflected Americans, all Americans… Above all, it swings…” 

(Ken Burns Jazz (2001) Ep. 1 Gumbo)

Trying to answer the question “What is jazz?” is a challenge, because there is no single answer.  The term “Jazz” was not even a word used by some – Duke Ellington and Max roach are amongst many who refused to use the word “jazz” at all! The answers are as different as the artists you ask, as in the video below:

Our mission in this class is, whenever possible, is to listen to the musicians, listeners, communities – the people – that helped create it.  Jazz is not one thing with a single definition, but the music does contain certain important aspects that we will use to organize our class. The video below takes you on a tour of some of these some core ideas – tradition, rhythm, improvisation, and culture. Most importantly, we will ask how do you as a listener experience these elements?

  1. Tradition

For many people, music need only be associated with a tradition to be labeled as “jazz.” According to this approach, the term can be applied to almost any music that displays characteristics that have been associated with music, performers, locations, or time periods of the past that are still relevant or have influenced the world today.

  1. Rhythm

The distinctive African American rhythmic counterpoints/grooves (i.e. swing) that have come to define a style are, for many other people, what is needed in order for a music to be labeled “jazz”.  

  1. Improvisation

For some people, a performance needs specific kinds of improvisation in order to qualify as jazz – or funk, salsa, rock, etc.,. What is improvised, to what extent, by whom, and for what purpose is often at the core of most genres of American music, the differences helping us decide what might be grouped together.

  1. Culture

Who is making the music? Why are they? Who is listening? How the music is integrated into a community, a venue, a ritual, a dance, a type of language or dress, the economics, culture, counterculture, age, race, region, orientation, or an aesthetic can help define a specific kind of music. What do the creators of it have to say?

5. YOU.

Jazz is also the experience we have when we hear music.  Jazz is you, and the life experience you bring to a musical encounter. Sounds are only that – until the listener makes meaning with them. As we develop our sense of context and history that ability grows exponentially.  We want to explore music history, but we also want to examine our own experience as well.

One thing that is certain is that the music we call jazz is African American Music – a product of the lived experiences of those that created it. Let’s begin by considering this music, arguably the most influential musics in the world.


Where did African American music come from?

African American music came originally, of course, from Africans, enslaved and transported to the Americas in the 17th through 19th centuries. This is a monumental topic we will explore more next week – for now consider that the translated musical cultures came from identifiable regions in the west of Africa, what Kubick labels the “blues belt” shown on the map below.

“…The evidence of all this clearly pointed to the fact that there was something like a geographical “swing belt” across the West African savannah from Guinée to Burkina Faso, northern Nigeria, into central Cameroon, and further on to central parts of the Sudan. Musical genres here, displaying swing, would however occur in a scattered distribution. Characteristically, they were found in a population stratum that had been a primary target of the Atlantic slave trade in West Africa during the second half of the eighteenth century. These people were descendants of what anthropologists have sometimes called the Ancient Nigritic cluster.”

Kubick Jazz Transatlantic Vol. 1 (410)

Authors such as Kubick as well as music enthusiast Robert Wisdom directly compare contemporary African styles and traditions to American music, as in this recent television essay. Here Wisdom discusses the centuries-old Moroccan musical tradition known as Gnawa with reporter Bill Whitaker:

Bob Wisdom: This was a point of departure. It was a place where dramatically Black Americans have a tie to that we don’t really know about.

Bill Whitaker: You can trace the blues to here?

Bob Wisdom: You can trace the blues—you can trace the blues to the Black cultures from Senegal, Gambia, Mali, who then traveled North into Morocco, the Black races. When you come here and hear the Gnawa you feel the same thing that we feel with the old-time Blues.

Bill Whitaker: You feel the Blues.

Bob Wisdom: You feel the Blues and that’s what Gnawa does.

This 1964 recording of daily work from an isolated village in central Cameroon (far from the influence of recordings or radio) demonstrates this rhythmic connection, in the form of a distinctively familiar groove played by a woman grinding grain.

Here is the same recording but now mashed up with a recording by jazz icon Ella Fitzgerald. Notice how the grooves in each part are similar – they both display the groove we call swing.


What is African American Music?

We can see that the earlier ideas about categorization are actually extrapolations from some of the fundamental characteristics of African American Music. These important elements include:

  • Contemporary Life – African American music reflects the conditions, history, traditions, adaptations and skills related to life in African American communities and in the larger American context. In many cases African American recordings are the most primary documents surrounding the history these artists embodied. The times and the music are difficult (if not impossible) to separate.
  • Rhythm! African rhythm and phrasing, stemming from both West African drumming and singing traditions, is at the heart of African American music and, by extension, almost all contemporary beat-oriented groove music. Similarly, “call and response” is so common a characteristic in modern music that we scarcely consider how pervasive it is.
  • A Cultural Collective – Music accompanied various social, political, and ritualized events, and it functioned to unify people as a collective. These functions underline the approach to music making, which involves the participation of all— the collective—thus, eliminating distinctions between “performer” and “audience.” When performers demonstrate their mastery the audience expresses its approval, responding both aurally and physically, which heightens the interaction between performer and the participants and increases the intensity of the overall performance.
  • Improvisation – The creative process in both African and African American traditions places value on improvisation, where performers bring their own interpretation to songs by producing unique and varying timbres and by manipulating time, text, and pitch in ways uncommon in European musical practices.
  • The Body – Performers also convey a range of emotions through the way they engage the entire body—the face, hands, hips, and feet— during performance.

This idea of music being such a important historical document is reflected in this essay excerpt from Blues People: Looking Both Ways by Amiri Baraka, where he describes his realization of music as a primary source for the history of a people, and the music’s pervasive influence in America and the world.

That there was a body of music that came to exist from a people who were brought to this side as slaves and that throughout that music’s development had had to expand and reorganize and continue and express itself as the fragile property of a powerless and oppressed people.

How did it do this? What was so powerful and desperate in this music that guaranteed its existence? (As long as its creators existed!) This is what pushed me. But as I began to get into the history of the music, I found that this was impossible without, at the same time, get- ting deeper into the history of the people. That it was the history of the Afro-American people as text, as tale, as story, as exposition, or what have you, that the music was the score, the actually expressed creative orchestration, of Afro-American life, our words the libretto of those actual lived lives. That the music was an orchestrated, vocalized, hummed, chanted, blown, beaten, corollary confirmation of the history. And that one could go from one to the other, actually, from the inside to the outside, or reverse, and be talking about the same things. That the music was explaining the history as the history was explaining the music. And that both were expressions of and reflections of the people.

So that moving from the middle passage forward, as Roumaine said, from that railroad of human bones at the bottom of the Atlantic Ocean, one traced the very path and life and development, tragedy and triumph of Black people. How they had come from Africa and had been transformed by the passage and by their lives in the west into a Western people. So that by the beginning of the nineteenth century, the great majority of us were “Americans.”

And at each juncture, twist, and turn, as Black people were transformed so was their characteristic music, to reflect the “new” them, the changing same, yet the continually contrasting contexts of their actual lives. My deep concentration on the continuing evidence of Africanisms and the parallels between African customs and philosophies and the Afro-American continuum were to teach myself, and whoever, that Black people did not drop out of the sky, although of sho, we were the “band of angels.”

But for all the syncretic mores and beliefs even under the hideous wrap of chattel slavery – many have suffered as much as Black people, said DuBois, but none of them were “real estate” — I have learned one thing that I feel is a critical new emphasis to the original text. And that is that the Africanisms are not just limited to Black people, but indeed, American Culture itself is an expression of many Africanisms. So that the American culture in the real world is a composite of African, European, and Native or Akwesasne cultures, history, and people! (So that both the Ebonics and Standard English arguments are one-sided and paltry . . . Try to go someplace in California, for instance, without speaking Spanish! Or someplace in South Carolina without speaking a Bantu language. Or someplace, anywhere, in the U.S. without speaking a Native tongue.)


What do we hear? What do we see?

Since a great deal of this course will involve talking and writing about music, let’s examine some of the characteristics mentioned above in context. When we are asked to comment on music that we hear or see what can we say? We can all offer a simplified response such as “I loved it”! or “ I hated it!” but these don’t communicate very much unless we can be specific as to why.  What, specifically, did you like or not? What worked? What didn’t? Can you point out something tangible? Can you be descriptive in how you responded to the music? This is not always an easy task.

When we write about music we should always start with what we think is obvious, because it might not be to others! For example, what could you sy about the performance of “Flashlight” below? Actively listen and watch the clip, keeping track of anything you feel, notice, or that you could describe to someone else who hasn’t seen it.  How would you describe it – before offering your opinion?

Start to consider the list of ideas below and how many you could comment on from the performance. These could include a mix of objective observations as well as more subjective interpretations of the sights and sounds. 

Screenshot

Moving deeper, how could this concert connect to other musicians, musics, cultures, time periods, and traditions that came before it? Where does it come from? Where is it going? Once you have described the music, could you use your observations to communicate what you thought was (or wasn’t) effective?

These are the important skills we hope to develop this semester – to experience music, understand the people who participated in it, consider the many contexts in which it was made, and be able to communicate the impact it has on one another.


Codes and Hidden Meanings

Did you consider what the words are about? Even if you know the song you might not have even considered what the lyrics are saying.  It’s difficult to read the encoded meaning unless you read about it below or on its page at genius.com.

The three beginning lyrics end up being the most profound in the song and one of the most profound lyrics in funk. Within the Funk universe during the time of Funkentelechy vs. the Placebo Syndrome, there is a war between those without funk and those bringing the funk to the world. The first few lyrics are from the prospective of the listener, living without funk. This is an effect of the ‘placebo syndrome’ occurring within the universe, causing individuals to go to sleep and not want to dance (essentially leading to a white-bread world devoid of funk, the goal of Sir Nose D’Voidoffunk).

The cure? Funkentelechy’s beat. So, the song “Flash Light” is working as a beacon signal track to lead the downtrodden, placebo-effected individuals towards an awakening path. “The one”, or the beat most used in funk, becomes the guiding light to enlightenment. The metaphor expands to classical lighting objects tied to nightlife and general artistic performance, neon lights and street lights, implying the curing ‘beat’ of funk is found in all performative arts. This ultimately ties funk to, and defines it as, the truth, or “a little light under the sun”.

Now, I lay me down to sleep
Ooh, I just can’t find a beat
Flash light
(oh, I will never dance!)
Flash light
Flash light
Flash light
Pararadirarararararara

Oh, it’s no use

Flash light
Red light
Neon light
Ooh, stop light

Now I lay me down to sleep
I guess I’ll go count the sheep
Oh, but I will never dance

Oh, don’t make me do it
Dance, sucker! ooh ha ha
Ow! Get him

Most of all he needs the funk
(shine it)
Help him find the funk
(ha, funk it)

Most of all he needs the funk
Help him find the funk
Most of all he needs the funk
Help him find the funk
(get him)
Most of all he needs the funk
(I know we can get him)
Help him find the funk
(ho)
Most of all he needs the funk
(ha, don’t)
Help him find the funk
(I know you will! Dance, sucker)
Most of all he needs the funk
(Shine the spotlight on him)
Help him find the funk
(Oh funk me)
Pararadirarararararara
Pararadirarararararara

Dance, Nose! You know you on my funk street?
Oh, funk me
Get on down, Nose! I like it! Dance, then


Everybody’s got a little light under the sun

Shinin’ on the funk
(Shinin’ on the funk)
Hoh!
Shinin’ on the funk

Most of all he need the funk
Help him find the funk


Playlist – Music from the African Continent

The playlist below offers some glimpses into music from the African continent. Some of it is old, some new – some modern and some traditional. Use the shuffle feature on Spotify to sample some of these sounds and rhythms. there is of course, way too much music and tradition to fit into a single playlist, so we will be revisiting some of the sounds below in subsequent modules.


Module 3: New Orleans and the Birth of Jazz


Welcome to module three of the history of jazz! This episode deals with the cradle of popular music, the city of New Orleans. We will be going deep into what makes the music of this city unique, how jazz music emerged, and look at some of the important innovators in early 20th century New Orleans, including Buddy Bolden, Jelly Roll Morton, King Oliver, and Louis Armstrong.

Read through this page in its entirety, listening to each track and watching each off the embedded videos. If you have trouble with Spotify links (if you can only preview 30 seconds of the track) click on the name of the song to be taken to Spotify directly. There are also optional embedded links for citations, additional information, and an occasional surprise. 


  1. To be able to describe the history that contributed to Jazz Music in New Orleans.
  2. To be able to recognize New Orleans polyphony.
  3. To define characteristics of “swing”.
  4. To understand the many contributions of Louis Armstrong to jazz and American culture in the early 20th century.


New Orleans is one of the most important music capitols of the world, and was the epicenter in the creation of jazz.  To this day the annual New Orleans Jazz & Heritage Festival attracts one of the largest festival audiences in the country. Check out the 2022 promotional video below and and how extremely diverse the lineup of artists is.  As we will learn, each of them is connected and a direct result of the music created in New Orleans at the turn of the 20th century.


We will introduce New Orleans music with a video narrated by iconic radio personality and Jazz historian Phil Schaap.  Schaap was a fixture in the New York area, playing jazz music on WKCR in New York City six days a week for over 40 years. He broadcast – often without pay – because he was fanatically in love with the music as well as its history. He became one of the world’s leading jazz historians, and a very generous mentor to those of us looking to learn about the history of the music we played.  This video introduces the idea of New Orleans Jazz and the important concept of polyphony.

These Ideas are demonstrated musically by this video from Jazz at Lincoln Center:


Founded in 1718 by French colonists, New Orleans was once the territorial capital of French Louisiana before becoming part of the United States in the Louisiana Purchase of 1803. In 1840 New Orleans was the third most populous city in the United States, and it was the largest city in the American South from the Antebellum era until after World War II.

The city has historically been very vulnerable to flooding, due to its high rainfall, low lying elevation, poor natural drainage, and proximity to multiple bodies of water. State and federal authorities have installed a complex system of levees and drainage pumps in an effort to protect the city.


Taken from https://www.hnoc.org/virtual/purchased-lives

As a port, New Orleans played a major role during the antebellum period in the Atlantic slave trade because of its location on the Mississippi River near the Gulf of Mexico. Slave traders brought enslaved people aboard ships from eastern river cities and Atlantic Ocean ports  to New Orleans, Baltimore Maryland, Washington, DC; Norfolk, Alexandria and Richmond Virginia, and Charleston, South Carolina. The New Orleans port handled commodities for export from the interior and imported goods from other countries, which were warehoused and transferred to smaller vessels for distribution along the Mississippi River watershed. 

The Act Prohibiting Importation of Slaves was enacted in 1808 “to prohibit the importation of slaves in any port or place within the jurisdiction of the United States, from and after the first day of January [1808.]” The law imposed heavy penalties on international traders, but did not end slavery itself nor the domestic sale of slaves. The article was passed so that slave owners in the south could minimize the depreciation of the people they used as collateral needed for the ever-vital bank loans that, along with the expansion of slavery, were financing the growth of the southern economy. 

The domestic slave trade refers to buying and selling enslaved people within the boundaries of the United States and its territories. Though the domestic slave trade and the Atlantic slave trade were similar, the domestic slave trade involved enslaved people who were born in, or already lived in, the country.

This domestic slave trade used New Orleans as a central hub. It was a practice that included forced migration, either across state lines or within individual states, and often via the use of coffles – long lines of people chained together and forced to walk, often hundreds of miles to a slave labor camp or another market.  Historians estimate that slave traders bought and sold two million enslaved people through the United States’ domestic slave trade and is sometimes referred to as the “Second Middle Passage.”

The money generated by the sale of slaves in the Upper South has been estimated at 15 percent of the value of the staple crop economy, slaves themselves were collectively valued at half a billion dollars. The trade spawned an ancillary economy—transportation, housing and clothing, fees, etc., estimated at 13.5% of the price per person, amounting to tens of billions of dollars (2005 dollars, adjusted for inflation) during the antebellum period, with New Orleans as a prime beneficiary.

There are a number of significant buildings in New Orleans that played a role in the slave trade that can be explored by using the New Orleans Slave Trade app found here and discussed in this video.

Interior view of a room with a rotunda ceiling during an auction of slaves, artwork and goods. William Henry Brooke, 1772-1860/Courtesy of The Historic New Orleans Collection

https://neworleanshistorical.org/items/show/745

Dancing in Congo Square
Illustration by Edward Winsor Kemble, 1886

As we discussed in the last module, Africans, free people of color, Creoles, Native Americans, and large influxes of people of Cuba/ Saint-Domingue (Haiti) would gather in what would be known as “Congo Square” for large drumming/dancing/and singing on Sundays, the single day of the week slaves were not permitted to work in the early 19th century.

In 1819, architect Benjamin Latrobe was treated to over 500 slaves making music and dancing every Sunday afternoon. The local Creoles (people of French-Spanish descent) were equally affected by the heat and humidity of the city, so they didn’t have any qualms about descendants of Africans stripping down to next to nothing to drum and dance. Since the Creoles did not demand slaves assimilate into their culture, they didn’t. That meant Latrobe was treated to musical sounds of African-style instruments, such as the bamboula drums. The influx of Le Gens de Couleur Libre, the Free People of Color, accelerated the merging of African rhythms with French songs, as blacks from Haiti joined in the Congo Square gatherings.

The Sunday afternoon gatherings in Congo Square continued well into the 1880s. After the Civil War, white city leaders tried to suppress the gatherings, even going as far as officially re-naming Place Congo to “Beauregard Square,” after former CSA General (and post-war civic leader) P.G.T. Beauregard. The residents of the Vieux Carre and Faubourg Treme, however, always referred to the area as Congo Square, and that name was formalized by the New Orleans City Council in 2011.


Before The Civil War, and despite its role in the slave trade, New Orleans had the largest and most prosperous community of free persons of color in the nation, who were often educated, middle-class property owners. This large population of free people of color, gens de couleur libres, lived amid enslaved people of color. Some of these gens were quite well off; a few owned slaves themselves. There was, as geographer Amy R. Sumpter writes, a “tripartite racial structure and racial fluidity” that narrowed and tightened with statehood (1812) and absorption of American definitions of race.

From the beginning, French and Spanish colonial conceptions of racial categories were much looser than those in the English colonies. The first slave ship arrived in Louisiana in 1719. The French, who controlled the colony from 1682-1763, had a Code Noir that governed relations between Africans and Europeans and regulated emancipation. The distinction between free and unfree people of color was written into this law, with the free people of color legally equivalent to whites. Slaves, meanwhile, could gain freedom in numerous ways—for instance, by defending the colony or teaching a master’s children.

After the Civil War, many Creoles of color (immigrants or indigenous peoples of mixed race) lost their favorable social status, despite their service to the militia and their social status prior to the war. Migrants from the confederate South imposed their racial caste system with all people with African ancestry or visible African features to be classified as “black” and therefore second-class citizens, regardless of their education, property ownership, or previous status in French society. Former free Creoles of Color were relegated to the ranks of emancipated slaves.  For music this meant a new integration of musicians formerly separated by legal status and an accelerated cross-pollination of musical styles, skills, and influences.


Storyville.pngTaken from Emily Epstein Landau – Spectacular Wickedness (2013)

Jazz was born in the late nineteenth century, and when people say that jazz was “born in a brothel” they mean it was born in Storyville. Jazz did not have a single genesis, but rather a series of contemporaneous starts and a long evolution. Few dispute its origins in New Orleans however. “New Orleans,” writes the jazz historian Bruce Raeburn, “was a city where music was intrinsic to lifestyle.” Nineteenth-century New Orleans was a cultural crossroads where European, Caribbean, and American musical forms met and melded. Jazz was forged in the crucible of the city’s multicultural furnace. New Orleans also traditionally played host to multiple and diverse festivals, parties, and parades, all of which demanded music.

In 1897, the city council of New Orleans passed an ordinance establishing a concentrated red-light (vice) district. Storyville opened on January 1, 1898. Nineteen years, eleven months, and eleven days later, on November 12, 1917, Storyville closed…In addition to prostitution, Storyville’s bordellos, cribs, and honky-tonks offered jazz music, dirty dancing, gambling, liquor, and an all-around “sporting” culture. But Storyville offered much more than fraternal good times and illicit sex… Storyville offered a stage for acting out cultural fantasies of white supremacy, patriarchal power, and a renewed version of American manhood for the twentieth century. All of this was accompanied by an exploding music scene. Male and female musicians, including Jelly Roll Morton, Pops Foster, Mamie Desdunes, and many others performed a mix of blues, pop songs, ragtime, and piano music that featured the influence of Afro-Latin Rhythms. Echoes of the music from this district are heard in Jelly Roll Morton’s 1938 recording of “Honky Tonk Blues / In New Orleans, Anyone Could Carry a Gun” taken from his remarkable nine-hour interview with Alan Lomax for the Library of Congress:

The ordinance that created Storyville was a reform measure, the attempt by a group of elite businessmen to improve the image of their city, and to draw a curtain around prostitution and its attendant vices. The authors of the Storyville ordinance were not overly concerned with sexual hygiene and social purity, but they were very much attuned to the need to create clearly demarcated spaces for legitimate commerce, spaces that would not be sullied by prostitutes, illicit sexuality, and the stench of corruption, broadly defined.

On the face of it, the creation of a red-light district at the end of the nineteenth century was nothing extraordinary. Sex districts developed along with commerce and manufacturing, their locations determined by residential and commercial geographies. Red-light districts often grew organically, as prostitutes, procurers, madams, and pimps moved into those areas most likely to give them business. Commercial sex districts, in turn, made prostitution profitable for landlords, who charged high rents, for politicians, who demanded bribes and kickbacks, and especially for liquor interests, who supplied the booze.

image.pngInevitably, these vice districts bled into so-called respectable areas, whose residents defined themselves as respectable, partly because they did not wish to tolerate prostitution…This wishful thinking of the bourgeoisie was not simply an error, an inability to see. Rather, the desire to imagine the city as divided according to strict, dualistic, moral categories reflected a new vision, an emerging ethos that shaped the discourses of reform surrounding prostitution, and animated the bourgeoisie’s efforts to impose order on society…New Orleanians sought to order their city according to their own moral map, their own developing sets of binaries—licit versus illicit, respectable versus not respectable, moral versus immoral, and, crucially, white versus black.

Raeburn writes, “By the early twentieth century, this musical mélange fed a seemingly interminable calendar of festivities,” from Mardi Gras balls to riverboat excursions, funerals, fish fries, and many more.5 The “crazy quilt” pattern of residential life in New Orleans also fed the development of a new vernacular music, as white ethnics, African Americans, and Creoles of color lived in close proximity to one another throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Whatever particular musical styles these groups brought or adapted from their places of origin (including New Orleans itself) inevitably cross-fertilized with different traditions residing in the same neighborhoods. Storyville, with its bordellos, cabarets, honky-tonks, restaurants, and bars, welcomed and nurtured jazz, provided it an ideal gestational milieu, and stamped it indelibly with prostitution and the sporting life. “Sporting life” denotes the male world of drinking, gambling, and patronizing houses of prostitution. Prostitutes were called “sporting girls” and bordellos “sporting houses.” Many early jazz musicians, such as Tony Jackson, Jelly Roll Morton, and Clarence Williams, found work in the brothels and cabarets of Storyville, and many of the descriptions that exist of Storyville come from the memories of the musicians who played there. The song “Basin Street Blues” was published in the 1920s, after Storyville had been shut down by the government, and offered a kind of memorial to it. Here is Louis Armstrong’s version from 1928, along with a 2003 remix by DJ Kid Koala that adapts Armstrong’s track with a modern Hip Hop presentation:


The opening of Storyville coincided almost exactly with the Supreme Court’s landmark Plessy v. Ferguson decision. The case, in fact, originated in New Orleans. Plessy v. Ferguson enabled legal segregation by “race,” dividing the world into “black” and “white,” and setting the color line in law. The Court naturalized race difference and conflated it with skin color. Louisiana’s Separate Car Act, the Court explained, simply recognized the “legal distinction between the white and colored races—a distinction which is founded in the color of the two races,” and stated further that that distinction “must always exist so long as white men are distinguished from the other race by color.” In fact, Homer Plessy served as the test case, a deliberate challenge to Louisiana’s law separating train cars by race, because he was an “octoroon,” and was so light-skinned that he easily passed for “white.” He had to inform the train conductor of his “race” in order for the case to move forward.

The Plessy decision was a watershed event. Up until that point individual states had passed laws segregating the so-called races, and privately owned accommodations, such as restaurants, hotels, and entertainment venues, had drawn their own color lines as well, barring those they perceived as “negro” or “black,” or reserving separate, inferior spaces for them. The Supreme Court’s decision in the 1883 Civil Rights Cases declared such private discriminations constitutional, after which no one could challenged the states’ rights to legislate “separate but equal.” 

New Orleans, however, offered a unique challenge to the segregationist sensibility of postbellum America. First, in New Orleans ethnic distinctions among so-called whites impeded New Orleans being split easily into a racial binary. The sequence of French, Spanish, and then American rule over Louisiana had exacerbated nationalist loyalties and exaggerated cultural differences within the population over the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Moreover, Irish, German, and Italian immigrants, among others, further diversified the “European” population of New Orleans.

Second, in New Orleans people of color were divided almost as dramatically among themselves as the “races” were from each other. To a degree greater than anywhere else in the nation, and certainly in the South, New Orleans’s population of color was diverse. A three-tiered caste system had developed in Louisiana out of French and Spanish colonial rule, making New Orleans resemble a Caribbean enclave more than a Deep South city. After Plessy, New Orleans transformed from a relatively dynamic three-tiered racial structure into a dualistic one, defined by the color line. Thus, in the same period in which “whiteness” became a unified racial category nationally, in New Orleans, much more than most places in the country, “blackness” did, too. In neither case was the process anything but contested, contradictory, and incomplete, but the institution of the color line, and the “one-drop rule,” created a mostly black and white twentieth-century world, where previously there had been shades of gray.


Brass bands have a long history in New Orleans, drawing upon both European and African performance traditions. European military bands and Sousa-type marching bands were ubiquitous in New Orleans, as elsewhere, throughout the nineteenth century. Simultaneously, there were African traditions of playing music and dancing the ring shout during the Sunday gatherings of slaves in Congo Square. As There were also mixed-race Creoles and free people of color who were professional instrumentalists during the time of slavery. In the decades after Emancipation in 1865, the first black brass bands began performing in public events such as funerals, baseball games, and business openings. By the twentieth century, brass bands had become an integral part of a black community made up of Creoles, urban blacks, and freed slaves who were now classified together under the segregationist laws of Jim Crow.

The instruments of military bands (trumpets, trombones, clarinets, drums, etc.,) form the basis of early jazz instrumentation. For the most part, these instruments can be used outside which is where much of early jazz was played.  Even today United States military bands take part in Mardi Gras celebrations following a familiar format.

This tradition is also evidenced in American marching bands and drill bands, especially celebrated at historically black colleges.  This was the inspiration for Beyoncé’s 2018 Coachella performance which integrates a complete marching band on stage to accompany her live set.


“Second lining” has been called “the quintessential New Orleans art form – a jazz funeral without a body.” Second lining got its title from the music’s role in funerals – the first line of the procession were family and those carrying the coffin to be entombed, while the second line consisted of the musicians and mourners.  The music would begin as a mournful solemn dirge before later breaking into an upbeat celebration of the life of the deceased.

Historically, the African-American community began second lines as neighborhood celebrations. The neighborhood organizations offered social aid to freed slaves, such as loans and insurance, and used the second-lines as a form of advertising. Second lines were also used to honor members who died in their community, which launched the idea of second lines at funerals.

Second Line – Pete Fountain’s Funeral Procession (2016):


Taken from https://music.si.edu/story/birth-drum-set

It is fair to say that the current collection of instruments that we think of as “the drums” would not have come together in quite that particular way without the influence of New Orleans culture at the beginning of the twentieth century.

For the drums are not one instrument, but many. The drum set is a hybrid of instruments from around the world, from cultures that were assembling in port cities like New Orleans. The snare and bass drum were once slung over shoulders in European militaries, the drum heads pulled tight by ropes, and that tradition carried over to American armies. Chinese immigrants came to the United States because they were hired or forced into labor, and they brought with them their own centuries-old theater traditions, highlighted by colorfully-painted tom-toms that made a beautiful full sound, distinct from snares or bass drums. Cymbals evolved from bronze cisterns made in places like Turkey and China; they were later pounded into flatter shapes and supplied to countries around Europe for operas and military music, becoming so popular in the United States that Zildjian, the original Turkish cymbal company, eventually moved to Massachusetts.

In the musical chemistry lab of New Orleans in the early 1900s, there was a demand for an ever-increasing variety of sounds from percussionists and a shortage of space on the stage to accommodate those instruments and money in the budget to pay all those musicians. Bandleaders had to maximize what they could from the percussion section.

The drum set was coalescing at the same time jazz was, and they helped to push each other along. The distillation of the different rhythmic instruments into one set to be played by one person meant that the rhythmic interpretation was now codified in one human body. 

Edward “Dee Dee” Chandler was a drummer living in New Orleans at the turn of the century. He played music in two worlds: the down and dirty shows in the brothels of Storyville and the high-society gigs at places like the Grunwald Hotel off of Canal Street. He was mixed race and could roughly pass for white, but when Plessy v. Ferguson was handed down, it included rules limiting the freedom of anyone with even a drop of mixed-race blood from going to places like Grunwald.

Other people had done such a thing before, but Dee Dee Chandler was perhaps one of the first drummers to use a makeshift pedal to play the bass drum with his foot while playing snare with his hands. Before that you would have to have a different musician play each instrument or use a style called “double drumming,” which involved playing bass drum and snare drum simultaneously with both hands and no feet, limiting the kind of rhythms you could express on the snare. The weird contraption that allowed Chandler to play the bass drum with his foot was not smooth like today’s pedals and must have been a challenge to play. But it was a point on the evolution of the drum set as a more dynamic instrument that, in just a few decades, would become the linchpin of jazz ensembles, whose rhythmic impact the most important music of the century.


In this sole surviving photo of Dee Dee Chandler, he is pictured on the left with the pedal on his bass drum. The John Robichaux Orchestra of New Orleans in 1896: (seated, left to right) Dee Dee Chandler, drums; Charles McCurdy, clarinets; John Robichaux, violin and leader; Wendell MacNeil, violin; (standing) Baptiste DeLisle, slide trombone; James Wilson and James MacNeil, cornets; Oak Gaspard, string bass.

Here is the Preservation Hall Jazz Band’s drummer Shannon Powell playing a second line drum groove, much as the original drum set players did a century ago:


From The World That Made New Orleans (Sublette 2008 pp. 294-5)

If you take what the Indians do simply as folk art, it’s one of the great American cultural treasures. But it has overtly spiritual and social dimensions as well. The Mardi Gras Indians are a product of black Carnival in black neighborhoods. Outside of New Orleans, there’s some confusion about this point. The Indians aren’t part of the big Mardi Gras parades that pass down St. Charles, nor do they have anything to do with the “krewes” that put on those processions.

The Indians embody resistance. You can sum it up in four words: “We won’t bow down.” That’s a line from their hymn “My Indian Red” (it’s sometimes phrased as “We won’t kneel down”). They’re not Indians, although not a few of them have some Native American ancestry. They’re small groups of working-class African American men who dress, or “mask” (the New Orleans word, though they don’t as a rule wear masks), as American Indians, in highly stylized outfits that refer not to the Native Americans of Louisiana, but to the Plains Indians costumes of 1880s Wild West Show fame.

The most spectacular and recognizable feature of Mardi Gras Indian performance today is its members’ lavish (and heavy) “suits”—wearable artworks that, with the headdress, or “crown,” can be eight feet tall. Despite the allegorical patches sewed on the suits depicting mythical Native Americans, this is an African tradition, with beadwork that looks strikingly like examples from the Yoruba in Nigeria—or, closer to home, from Haiti.

New suits have to be designed and sewn from scratch, every year, by the individual men who wear them, often with the support of a sewing team. “Every year for Carnival time, we make a new suit,” sings Bo Dollis. Another Indian song goes “Somebody gotta sew, sew, sew.” A neophyte Indian gets sore hands from multiple needle sticks. You can’t just go buy a flashy suit; you’ve got to create it, and no sloppy stitching allowed. A first- class suit can cost its working-class wearer thousands of dollars to make, so it’s a tremendous commitment of money as well as time. The many hours spent sewing is an extended meditation, and when it’s done, the suit is a power object. But there’s more to the Indians’ commitment than their suits.

An Indian “gang,” or tribe, is a spiritual secret society, a social club, and a mutual aid organization all in one. Indians might appear in their suits for stage performance, but that’s strictly lagniappe and is a comparatively recent development. The Indians’ real performances are a kind of sacred theater that takes place on the streets of the black neighborhoods, uptown and downtown. Collectively, they’re part of what knits New Orleans’s black populace together.

The Year of Dedication That Goes Into Becoming a Mardi Gras Indian (2022)


We will be listening to some recordings from the 1920s and 30s, a time when recording technology was prehistoric to say the least.

The systems used to capture music involved a single microphone, a towering six-foot amplifier rack, and a live record-cutting lathe, powered by a weight-driven pulley system of clockwork gears. The musicians have roughly three minutes to record their song direct to disc before the weight hits the floor. There were few opportunities for a second take. This was referred to as “catching lightning in a bottle.” The audio you hear is taken directly from the discs they were recorded to, with no editing or enhancement.

The Victor Talking Machine Company of Camden recording an orchestras in 1902. (Camden County Historical Society)

As a result, these recordings are drastically inferior to those we encounter today. It may take some time and exposure to this period before we can hear beyond the technical limitations and engage with the music without distraction. It may be similar to watching an old black-and-white movie – distracting at first but eventually taking a backseat to the story being told.


Jazz was born out of brass bands, the collective improvisation of the second line tradition, as well as blues, ragtime, religious music, Afro-Caribbean music, and various African rhythm and vocal traditions. Here are some of the most revolutionary aspects of the new music called “jazz”:

New Orleans Jazz began as a system of playing a song where many players play different melodies simultaneously. We call this New Orleans Polyphony (poly = many, –phony = voices). This became a hallmark of New Orleans jazz groups.

The simplest definition of improvisation in Jazz is to make up your own song.  It’s not so different from singing “happy birthday” and taking extreme liberties with how you sing it, having fun in the process.  Improvisation begins by embellishing a per-existing melody – think of how many people have sung the national anthem and how many different ways that song has been interpreted.  If you keep embellishing, more and more, adding your own ideas and leaving less and less of the original song then you have arrived at something resembling a jazz improvisation.  The song then repeats over and over, but each time a new melody is invented by different players each taking turns.  In the case of New Orleans polyphony, many players improvise their parts at the same time to support a lead player’s melody or improvisation.

Jazz began as a polyphonic music, with various instruments jamming at the same time to build on the singular jazz rhythmic feel that is known as swing.  Swing is a type of up-beat, syncopated playing that uses African timeline rhythms and looser “swing” notes.  This swing provides the “bounce” that we can feel in between the bigger beats. Swing phrasing creates a perpetual forward motion that we can feel in our bodies when it is done well. 

Swing rhythm involves the subdivision of a musical beat. If you were nodding your head or patting your foot in time to a song then these subdivisions would be the smaller beats that occur in between the taps of your foot.  Jazz Music began to change the distance between the smaller beats, usually pushing every other one slightly forward -not simply dividing a bigger beat in half. If we count four beats as “one and two and three and four and” it’s the word “and” that starts to move, a bit closer to the next number.

We can hear and feel this idea of swing in the following example. The drummer plays at the same overall speed throughout, but changes where the smaller beats are placed. The “one…two…three…four…” stay the same, but the notes in-between shift for each example. In the beginning the notes are “straight”, but soon they begin to incorporate more and more swing, pushing every other note a little bit closer to the next.  Because these are not strictly mathematical relationships people refer to different nuances in the swing rhythm with phrases like “in the cracks” or “tight swing”.


Playing with swing also involves African and Afro Latin rhythms, including the “big four” rhythm we heard in the Jazz at Lincoln Center clip earlier, and the long-long-short rhythm tresillo we heard in our last module.  If you count “one two three, one two three, one two” over and over in a loop you will feel the long long short quality that this rhythm has.  Mathematically it stuffs three notes into a cycle of eight smaller beets, each long getting three and the short only getting two.

The tresillo rhythm can be heard in the low notes played by the left hand on the piano in Jelly Roll Morton’s “New Orleans Blues” from 1923:

These rhythms are a fundamental component of the new American music, providing a complex code and key that would allow musicians to feel and create many styles of groove based upon their implied layers of polyrhythm.


Artist Brandan Bmike Odums’ mural of Buddy Bolden on the Little Gem Saloon on South Rampart Street in New Orleans. The mural is based on the only surviving photo of Bolden, credited with being one of the first jazz musicians.

Cornetist (and trumpeter) Buddy Bolden is considered the first important and highly influential early New Orleans jazz musician. While Buddy Bolden never recorded, and only one photograph is known to exist, his influence is documented by the countless musicians of the time who attested to his skill and innovation. One composition that is credited to him is “Buddy Bolden’s Blues” played below by Jelly Roll Morton:

Another trumpet player, King Oliver was an early mentor to Louis Armstrong. The recordings of his ensemble are the best examples we have of what New Orleans polyphony sounded like. We can hear this on “Dipper Mouth Blues” from 1923.

Jelly Roll Morton is considered the first great composer to write in the new jazz style, meaning he took the swinging polyphonic qualities of improvised New Orleans Jazz and was able to write it down. He maintained space for individual solos, but orchestrated sections of a larger group to interact in the style of a small improvised group – the first to be able to compose music that sounded like a large New Orleans improvisation.  See if you can hear the difference between the composed and improvised sections of “Black Bottom Stomp” from 1926:


Louis Armstrong

Louis Armstrong (trumpet /coronet) otherwise known as “Pops” or “Satchmo”, is the first major soloist in jazz, creating a melodic, rhythmic vocabulary that became the template for all subsequent improvisers.  His ability to swing was copied around the country and eventually the world.  His technique was considered super-human at the time, being able to play higher, faster, and with more technique than any of his peers. The sophistication of his improvisations was unmatched by any musician of the time, and are still considered some of the most profound Jazz recordings ever made. In addition, he creates a new way of singing involving syllables (instead of words) called “scat” that showcases his equally virtuosic vocal abilities.  This style of singing would become a pervasive influence and popular music. He is one of the first global celebrities, African American film stars, and a significant factor in jazz becoming a dominant popular music around the world. 

Louis Armstrong created the modern idea of what it means to swing. As director of research collections at the Louis Armstrong Center Ricky Riccardi states:

You can name a thousand great instrumentalists or you can name a thousand great vocalists, but he’s the only person you could find who changed the way people played their instruments and the way people sang. Louis does that in a four-year period in the 1920s; by 1930, if you aren’t playing or singing like him, you’re out of work.

In the recording of Louis Armstrong playing “Struttin’ with some Barbecue” from 1927 we can hear a dramatic contrast between the sound of the swung notes in the trumpet and the clarinet. The clarinet sounds and feels a bit stiff, while Armstrong’s notes flow and seem to open up the groove.  His phrases are complex, yet also singing. They feel effortless, even when hitting extremely high notes.  Notice how the entire ensemble seems a bit stiff during the clarinet solo yet grooves much harder when they are all playing behind Louis Armstrong. 

This fully-formed and unique ability to swing was perhaps Armstrong’s greatest contribution to music, as it would encourage all further generations of jazz musicians and ensembles to acquire similar phrasing in their music.


Listening to Louis Armstrong

One of Armstrong’s most famous and influential performances is “West End Blues”. The piece begins with a spectacular trumpet cadenza – the trumpet playing alone with an opportunity to “show off” before the band comes in with the rest of the song.

“West End Blues” (1928)

Armstrong’s first recorded example of scat singing is in the song heebie-jeebies where he stops singing standard lyrics and begins a series of improvised syllables, essentially improvising with his voice the way he would on his trumpet.

“Heebie Jeebies” (1926)

One of Armstrong’s most enduring collaborations was on a series of albums recorded with vocalist Ella Fitzgerald. The material comes from the American songbook, a variety of songwriters often made famous through their contributions to Broadway shows.  Many of the songs recorded on the Ella & Louis recordings are considered the definitive versions of those compositions.

“Cheek To Cheek” (1956)

Ella Fitzgerald & Louis Armstrong

Armstrong’s career lasted until his death in 1971 with some of his best-known recordings occurring in the last decade of his life.  These include “Hello Dolly” (1964) and “What a Wonderful World” (1968).  These later recordings as well as constant touring, film, and television appearances with cement Armstrong’s place as an American entertainment icon.

“What A Wonderful World” (1968)


Rhythmic Counterpoint

A conceptual framework of American groove, based on some ideas forwarded by David Penalosa in his excellent book The Clave Matrix regarding the structure of clave music. He specifically points out that most American music is not clave-based, and I would agree but only from a cultural/aesthetic/historical standpoint, but not by his definition of such. In fact, I believe it includes considerably more interactive rhythmic levels than those outlined in his book.

Penalosa defines clave-based music as having four elements of rhythmic counterpoint: 1) the primary beats (half notes in cut-time or dotted quarters in 6/8); 2) secondary beats (3:2 or tresillo); 3) key pattern (clave or standard pattern); and 4) a lead part.

In a typical performance of a jazz ballad not only could all of these elements be present within the group, the combinations of duple, triple, and double time can greatly expand upon a simpler four layer counterpoint once simultaneous variances of tempo come into play. Further, I believe the coexistence of these levels is essential in the perception and generation of a swing feel, even within a single player.

This chart does not represent any sort of hierarchy or traditional notation pyramid. Rather, it grows from the center, as an improviser may be using a whole, half, or quarter note as the felt primary beat and playing toward one side at a given moment (see Joe Lovano’s explanation of this practice here.) Also, the available patterns that could be used as key patterns are vast, and could even change through the course of a tune (here the 3-2 pattern is used as the example). The process reaches the same extents but at different tempos, turning this two dimensional framework into a sort of rhythmic mobius strip, entirely dependent on the perception and behavior of the player or group.

Ron Carter, Walking.

Not letting a quarantine stand in his way, Ron Carter has been creating and releasing some exceptional online content lately. One of these gems is an 11-minute 35-chorus walking bassline performance of “C Jam Blues” uploaded on June 13th 2020. This is an amazing display of variation, worthy of study by every aspiring bassist.

The transcription is below, or you can click for the full pdf.

 

Why Musicians Need Philosophy

A recurring source of frustration in my teaching work involves interactions with educators and institutions that aren’t fully engaged with a considered and informed music education philosophy. Not that musicians and teachers aren’t philosophical by default, most are on the first day, but often on an intuitive level, simply following what and how they learned: “This is how it’s always been done, so it must be OK!” The why question is ignored altogether at the expense of the seemingly useful short term curriculum goal.

The rapid change in the world’s awareness of social, racial, and economic injustice is causing serious problems for individuals and education institutions that, in the wake of this recent revolution, have been exposed as propagators structural bias, racism, and gross economic inequality that perhaps is in small part due to an unconscious, inadequate or outdated educational philosophy.

Some revered institutions lacking self-reflection are becoming transparent to the bias at the heart of their structures, with often created serious repercussions for educators who have not considered their content, communication, and culture. Of course the most serious implications are for the students involved, who unknowingly are being indoctrinated into a system that ignores purpose and ultimate outcome by focusing incessantly on other seemingly more pressing issues of the moment. The problem of this lack of attention to a vital area of study becomes most glaring when changes need to be made to a department or institution, as there is no coherence to the frame to which that change needs to be made. Squabbles over turf and resources, as well as navigation of the tenured insecurities of faculty that have no time or interest to read up on their own philosophical shortcomings can result (at least in the institutions I have found myself). This is not to say that one philosophy is necessarily better than another and will cause all educational misdirection to vanish, but the lack of a conscious frame at all in a school or department cripples the ability to respond to the changing needs of the students one purports to serve. No conceptual framework means no frame of reference – which results in no ability to change. Even beyond the transformation brought by the eventual retirement of faculty, these structures can stay rigid and self-reinforcing.

While the target of animus is often the school or department (how much is tuition now?!?) perhaps the ultimate onus is on the individual first, the one who has the ability to act first. A teacher doesn’t need to have a degree in music education philosophy to engage in some basic self reflection: Why am I teaching this, to this person, in this way, at this time? Most of the times I have tried this experiment I hesitated, grasping for detail in my our purposes.

These questions has been grappled with by some important authors in the field of music education philosophy, most clearly so by David Elliott and Marissa Silverman in the essential Music Matters. Chapter 2 specifically outlines the clearest summation of the last 150 years of evolution music education philosophy. This needs to be read seriously by anyone engaging with students, in the classroom and bureaucratically in the administration. The conclusions present a philosophy based on praxis:

“The central tenet of the practicum idea is holistic immersion. The aim is to develop all dimensions of students’ musicianship and listenership via students’ joyful, active engagements with all forms of musicing and listening.”

This may seems a bit wistful out of context for those who consider engagement with music a purely aesthetic experience, the inherited curse of a European aesthetic tradition that propagates a dualistic and culturally incoherent view of what should be considered useful or beautiful. That this bias toward the “pure” aesthetic is still omnipresent in traditional American music curriculum creates continuous friction between those that know, and those that only pretend to teach. The aesthetic view defies all but a section of potential musical engagements, and is incoherent and grotesquely incomplete as an unconcious philosophy of a 21st century music curriculum. This is obvious when I think of educators I have encountered, especially in the jazz education field, could teach the exactitude of Coltrane changes in a theory class but stammer and fall when asked why it is important to teach it at all. Shouldn’t purpose precede particularity? To have a meaningful reflection of curriculum without the tools needed to address and describe one’s purposes, there can be no meaningful planning of education beyond the present moment. These have been articulated in a myriad of forms, and to be ignorant of at least an introduction is to be not fully serving oneself or the student.

Elliott’s praxial philosophy attempts to embrace the numerous ways students can become meaningfully engaged with music, at personal, local, and global levels, and in an ever expanding web of modalities. For those that are continuously wrestling with the “Why am I doing this?” question, this book can help provide frames, and help you construct your own. This is the ultimate goal – not to blindly follow a prescription but to use it to adapt to the ever-changing circumstances fo the subject and the student.

At the end of the Spring 2020 semester and the torrent of zoom classes, technological inequalities, and administrative reinventions, I decided to do an inventory of not just what I accomplished with my students, but why we (actually I) did things in the first place. This was for various classroom music situation of 7-12th grade students, all of mixed backgrounds, interests, and abilities (it was not an elective, but part of a core curriculum). My why answers would be independent of the specific curriculum contents, and hopefully make me consider what my motivations were as a teacher, as well as where they guided me towards positive or negative outcomes. This exercise was completed without excessive analysis or trying to make it fit into a perfect shape as messiness was needed in order to find the most useful and perhaps hidden motivations. It would be filled with biases and blind spots, but that is true of any single point of view. I wanted this to result in a visual image, as that would help me view sequence from a distance. It was obvious some goals were much more significant than others, and there was a shape that indicated a network rather than a hierarchy.

I don’t believe the final product is as informed as it could be, nor is it perfect or perhaps even coherent. My teaching is filled with imperfections and problems, my job is to be comfortable with those issues and confront them, not unlike hearing one’s self played back at a recording session. Reflecting is a start/middle point, rather than ever being end point. The process brought me a bit closer to being conscious of why I introduce things as a teacher, feel there importance on an intuitive level, and helps me evaluate the actual content of a particular class. Hopefully this gives me more power to shape my practice toward a more fully realized result. I share this so that perhaps others can chime in with their own experiences or advice on how to better my own thinking moving forward.

Percy Heath “Blue Haze”

Two choruses of a perfect bassline from one of the most important bassists of the 1950s.  The control, evenness, and quality of his sound along with immaculate note choices and  the virtuosity of playing at a slow tempo set this line apart.

Percy discusses this session, along with the influence of Walter Page on his approach in this essential interview from an interview with Artist House Music:

This transcription is included in the book Progressive Jazz Double Bass Repertoire, found at this link.

Blue Haze

Ravings on Twin Peaks “The Return” Episode 8 and Penderecki’s “Threnody”

It is a rare encounter with art that leaves an audience member at once recognizing the music/image as being highly effective, yet also so original, unusual and confounding that you really aren’t sure what exactly it was that you’re talking about in the first place. Such it is with episode 8 of Twin Peaks “The Return”, aka season three. Of all the many things to speak of, the use of Krzysztof Penderecki’s “Threnody to the Victims of Hiroshima” as the viewer is taken into the center of an atomic test blast stands out as one of the most striking moments in television.

CHAOS-LYNCH

Penderecki’s Threnody seems to defy its own definition (song of lamentation for the dead). Surely the piece is more representational of the incomprehensible chaos and death associated with the atomic atrocities at Hiroshima than reflective of those that grieve for those that suffer(ed). The music seems beyond fear and loss, containing perhaps the most devastating and sustained dissonances in western orchestral music.

As a Westerner it is especially difficult to describe the context this piece places itself in. The music, let alone the events, are constructed by the reader as a distant, from afar mental recreation of what must have happened there. Even with military films of atomic blasts, and the gruesome news reels of the aftermath, anyone who wasn’t on the ground really doesn’t know what the bomb looks/sounds like up close. If the listener connects this music to the event then that inconceivable surely is reflected in the extreme dissonance of the orchestra.  This is music that could never be mistaken for something pleasant, yet it is moving in it’s uncompromising attack on tonality and tradition. It is as if Penderecki has found a way to partially compensate for the listener’s lack of direct contact with history through his undeniably brutal sonorities.

Similarly, Lynch’s imagery has little to comfort the viewer. The opening black and white, innocent text and countdown are violently disrupted not by the sound of  the blast (which is eerily absent) but by the flash of light and the sudden shock that accompanies the beginning of the music. The alien landscape emerges as we (or at least the viewer’s point of view) is hurled toward and into the mushroom cloud, quickly loosing sight of earth as we enter into the maelstrom.  The viewer is subjected to several minutes of visual chaos, with little continuity or conception of the images.   The viewer loses all context of where we exactly they are, how they could be there, why they would be there in the first place. The unanswered questions abound, leaving no footing to contextualize the unpredictable use of texture and color. Similarly, Penderecki’s music has no key, meter, or even obvious pitch content by with to understand the violent and unpredictable shifts in dynamics.  The montage is an onslaught of visual chaos in concert with all that is sonically damned.

mother-e1498463456678My own experience of this scene (and the entire series) caused me to give up any of my own feeble pursuits of what these images and sounds might “mean” within the context of history or this series. I though later that there seem to be two paths to choose from when thinking about much of Lynch’s work here, either 1) try to invent explanations the story which have no definitive resolution or meaning, or 2) give up the pursuit all together (if you can) and accept that you are along for the ride. The beauty of episode 8 is that choice has been made for you.

“Yes I Can, No You Can’t” by Lee Morgan

My nomination for the funkiest groove created by a jazz artist in the 1960s.  From the 1965 Lee Morgan album The Gigolo, here is a transcribed score for the lead off track “Yes I Can, No You Can’t”.  Bob Cranshaw’s line in the first 8-bars is played with such an incredible depth it is almost eerie, and when compared to the vamp at the end you realize how remarkable this opening really is.  This intro alone is worth the price of the album, but the rest of the track is on fire as well.

The piano part is a work in progress.  Obviously some notes are quite difficult to hear, and my intuition regarding these things is still developing.  Please add thoughts on Harold Maybern’s part in the comments below!

lee-morgan-the-gigolo-f3lee-morgan-the-gigolo-r1Yes I Can, No You Can't1

 

 

Yes I Can, No You Can't2Yes I Can, No You Can’t2Yes I Can, No You Can't3Yes I Can, No You Can’t3Yes I Can, No You Can't4Yes I Can, No You Can't5Yes I Can, No You Can't6Yes I Can, No You Can't7